It shall be the first duty of the Government of the
Republic to make provision for the physical,
mental and spiritual well-being of the children,
to secure that no child shall suffer hunger or cold
from lack of food, clothing, or shelter.
Democratic Programme of the First Dáil
Surely it’s clear that we’ve fallen well short of that first duty of the first Dáil when 8,737 are homeless in Ireland. Those official counts of homeless families in emergency accommodation don’t, however, include rough sleepers or the so-called hidden homeless—those people who are living in their parents’ box room, or in squats, or ‘sofa surfing’ with friends. Nor does it include women and children staying in domestic violence refuges or an unspecified number of homeless families who have been placed in ‘own door’, i.e. self-contained but temporary accommodation.
From March 2018 (highlighted in red on the chart), the Department of Housing, Planning & Local Government changed how data on homelessness is recorded, excluding those in ‘own door’ accommodation. The data [in the chart] reflect the number of families in: a) Private Emergency Accommodation: including hotels, B&Bs & other residential facilities used on an emergency basis; b) Supported Temporary Accommodation: including hostels with onsite professional support or c) Temporary Emergency Accommodation: with no (or minimal) support. (focusireland.ie
Nor does it include those people in private rental property receiving HAP (Housing Assistance Payments) who account for a large part of the statistical reduction in official homeless numbers: they are no longer on the waiting list for housing because their housing needs are deemed to have been met, but, crucially, they don’t have security of tenure.
If at any point a tenant receiving HAP is made homeless once more, they will have lost their place on the waiting list by accepting HAP. And they’ll go to the back of a housing queue that can be more than a decade long.
But landlords won’t necessarily feel themselves bound by that ‘six-year’ rule. A landlord can still end a tenant’s lease by claiming that the building is being sold, for instance, or that they want to live there themselves. In 2016, penalties were belatedly introduced for landlords falsely claiming to be selling up and then renting to another tenant at a higher rent—but nobody polices the eviction notices. And even if they did, for some landlords, increasing their rent by a bigger chunk than the 4% allowed in rent crisis zones is more than worth a fine.
But even if the landlord is fined, there’s no redress for the now possibly homeless tenant, and so there’s no incentive to pursue a case with the Residential Tenancies Board. Consequently, most abuses go unreported.
If HAP is going to fulfil Government responsibility for providing public housing, the conditions of its payment have to include secure, open-ended, rent-controlled tenancies. Otherwise, poor and vulnerable people will once again find themselves at the mercy of private developers’ obscene greed, and security of tenure for public tenants will become a thing of the past. Those potential outcomes appear not to bother the FF/FG/Greens enough to cause them to put human rights before property rights and insist on open-ended leases. Instead, we’re legislating to create the next generation of homeless families.
But why is our Government insisting that they will provide public housing by paying HAP to landlords? Mortgages last for 25 years, but HAP is for life. And why are local councils renting or purchasing properties from the private sector when that policy is inarguably the most expensive way of providing public housing? Take, for instance, this deal offered to Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council:
German investor Realis bought 90 apartments in listed builder Glenveagh Properties’ Herbert Hill development in Dundrum last November for €55 million. . . . Realis intends leasing the properties to Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council for social housing at prices up to €3,000 a month for the units. (irishtimes.com/business)
Had the Council bought those 90 apartments, the approximately €3,000,000 in rent the county council will now pay each year would have covered the purchase price in less than 20 years, leaving the Council with full ownership of a valuable asset.
Had the Council built 90 apartments, the build cost would have saved up to half the purchase price as well as the €3,000,000 a year that they wouldn’t be paying in rent to investment funds.
The only possible conclusion is that current housing policy is designed to make sure that landlords, developers, and investment funds will get rich on our tax money. Because let’s be clear, this isn’t a matter of councils struggling to make the best of difficult times, this is a policy-driven crisis. Bedrock neo-liberal ideology doesn’t want government in the business of building public housing because it interferes with the laws of supply-and-demand in a free marketplace. The logic is that, without interference, a free market will provide housing for everyone at every level. And to paraphrase Trump, ‘one day the homeless will just disappear, like a miracle.’
But experience has exploded that lie. We freed the market while we had the Celtic Tiger by the tail. Construction surged and developers got rich. We built more houses than at any other time in living memory and now we have a homelessness crisis that shames our Republic.
Fintan O’Toole points out that in the decade between 1933 and 1943 (covering parts of both the Great Depression and the Emergency) the majority of new builds here were public housing units. By 1995 public housing still comprised 25 percent of new builds (irishtimes.com here). After that, the Government, both local and national, got out of the building business in any meaningful way. The private sector was going to take care of all that. But they didn’t.
And now we have children who are born and/or grow up with their entire family living in a single hotel room on meals from the chipper because they have no access to cooking facilities. We read stories about babies who are delayed learning to crawl or walk because of a lack of floor space. From the start of their lives, these children are economically, nutritionally, socially, and educationally disadvantaged. And are being raised by adults whose spirits are constantly in the process of being broken.
And this is happening in the sixth richest country in the world, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) .
Well, I’m ashamed. What about you?
Cognitive dissonance and alternative truths
So, what do you do if you’re Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael, or both in this case, and your absolutely certain knowledge of how the world works is contradicted by the hard evidence in front of you—for instance, that freeing the market delivered (at least) two separate but closely related national disasters, the financial crash and record-breaking levels of homelessness?
That’s what psychologists call cognitive dissonance. It happens when the world out there doesn’t match the picture in your head. Often our first instinct isn’t to adjust what we thought we knew by adding in the new information, but rather to try and adjust the world out there to fit our preconceptions—and, with just a slight squint, a more convenient ‘alternative truth’ might emerge. For instance, that homelessness isn’t caused by the multi-factorial neglect, lack of planning, lack of action, and lack of caring on the part of Irish governments local and national; it’s all about supply, which is in the process of being corrected by the market. Like a miracle.
Before we learned to depend on neo-liberal miracles, during times when the country was economically an awful lot worse off than we are today, we built the suburbs of Ballyfermot (where I was born), Cabra, Crumlin, Drimnagh, Finglas, and so on down the alphabet.
But in 2018, with 70,000 households on a waiting list for housing, local authorities built 2,022 housing units (their target had been 4,409) and Approved Housing Bodies built 1,388. At that stunning rate of progress, we could clear the current waiting lists in about twenty years. Then we can start on the even longer waiting list that will have built up while we were fixing the first one. And Dun Laoghaire-Rathdown county council will still be paying multi-millions of euro in rent every year to an investment fund.
Whether Irish people have a right to a home is not a political issue—it’s a human rights issue. As Ireland establishes her place among the nations of the earth, is it to be as a callous worshipper of mammon with a cavalier disregard for the poor and vulnerable? It’s still an open question—just.
 According to data published in April 2018 by the International Monetary Fund (imf.org) Ireland is the sixth richest country in the world. That’s richer than France (29th), the UK (28th), Canada (24th), Australia (20th), Germany (18th), the USA (12th), Kuwait (9th), and Brunei (6th). (Angry Commoners)
Welcome to Ballymun
The problem with ‘problem tenants’ is rarely the tenant but the lack of supports written into Ballymun’s history from the start when promised services failed to appear. And because vulnerable tenants are often politically disempowered, ‘the authorities did not feel pressure to maintain the blocks to a decent standard’ (O’Toole).
The pandemic has drawn a sharp divide between those who could lose their houses or their jobs or their lives because of the pandemic, and those who are calculating how to foreclose on mortgages that will become ‘distressed’, who will use job losses to depress wages, or who talk out loud about the premium represented by the death rate among older citizens making houses available and reducing the cost of pensions.
A very Irish coup
Albert Einstein said that we can’t solve problems with the same thinking we used to create them. Swinging endlessly between two parties from a socially conservative, right centrist, and redundant tradition of party politics in Ireland got us as far as the mess we’re in. But take Einstein’s word for it, it’s not going to get us out of it.